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How Canada Was Secretly Given Away...
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This taped interview with Shelley Ann Clark has been abstracted from the book NEW
WORLD ORDER CORRUPTION IN CANADA, by Professor Robert O'Driscoll [now out-of-
print]. Ms Clark played a key role in the 1987/88 Free Trade Negotiations in
which Canada's future was secretly bartered away...
Shelley Ann Clark: I was hand-picked for the position as Germain Denis'
Assistant. I was told from the beginning that the interview was just a
formality. How true that turned out to be! After Germain Denis had interviewed
me only for about 3 ninutes, he asked me when I could start work. Wanting this
challenge, I agreed to become his executive assistant.
I was hired in July and by September we had a computer system called GEAC. This
system had been brought in by one Peter Hines, today a millionaire, and I
discovered quickly that he and Germain Denis were very tight. I wondered why? It
certainly wasn't the technical expertise that bonded them: Germain Denis was a
person who refused to have a computer in his office. "No," he was heard to say,
"this is far too complex for my mind. Shelley Ann will have the one computer
installed in my area." Mr. Denis was not telling the truth, as we shall discover
later.
Germain Denis was, as is indicated above, in charge of critical apects of the
Free Trade negotiations. At the time I had two secretaries working for me who
were inputting top secret material into this computer. We had no hours: when you
entered the building, you never knew when you would leave.
Late one Friday, actually at 6.30 p.m., a rather demanding lady, Sylvia Ostry,
telephoned, demanding a copy of a particular document that was on the computer:
in two hours, she told us she was boarding a flight to the United States, and
she needed this particular document. Unfortunately, I was the only one left in
the office. The secretaries had gone home. Each person with access to the
computer had a password: nobody knew the other person's password and this, I was
told, was for security purposes. What I imediately did was to check with the
person who had installed the GEAC system - Peter Hines - and fortunately found
him still on the job. My first question was to ask him whether anything could be
done to accomodate the urgency of Sylvia Ostry's request. I said there must be a
way to break the programme codes of the computers and if anyone would know it
would him. "Don't tell a soul, Shelley Ann," he said, "but the only way that we
can get into the computer system at Trade Negotiation Office is to contact the
president of GEAC. He has the "God" password." "The "God" password? What in
heaven's name is that?" "Well," he answered, "that is what the president has
termed it and he is the only one that has it." "Are you telling me that the
president of GEAC has access to all of our information within our computer
system?" "That's right. He can access Simon Riesman's computer. He can access
everyone's computer on the seventeenth floor at 50 O'Connor." I felt like
saying: "Who the hell is the president of GEAC ?" But for the moment I
registered the thought internally, saying: "Can you contact this guy, Peter, I
really need the document." Suddenly - bingo - I had the document in my hands.
"And he's in Toronto, Peter - the president of GEAC?" "That's right!" "And we're
here in Ottawa?" "That's right!" "But he can do the commands from Toronto?"
"That's right."
The implications, I thought, are enormous. Here we are negotiating this top
secret trade deal between Canada and the United States - so secret that
secretaries in the same office don't know each other's password to the computer
- while the President of the Computer Company registering the information - has
access to that to that information. What kind of security is that? Or are the
results of the negotiations a foregone condusion? More likely the latter, I
thought. Not to speak of Big Brother, invisible but watching all the time.
Tuning in, no doubt, from time to time to see if everything is on track -
especially the Canadians.
The very next morning - I've been a Foreign Affairs Diplomat all of my life; I
was hand-picked by them right out of business college when I was sixteen years
old; so my entire life has been with Foreign Affairs and top-secret clearance
with everything involved when you have access to that kind of knowledge, what to
watch out for, etc. - the first thing I did (I was a good Foreign Services
Officer and playing it according to the book] was that I immediately went to the
head of security of the Free Trade Division. While Germain Denis was at this
point still Head of Multilateral Trade, Memoranda to Cabinet, usually labelled
"Secret" or "Top Secret" and outlining the negotiating tactics to be used with
the Americans, would be viewed prior to reaching the Negotiating Table.
So I went to the head of security, Guy Marcoux, and demanded that he investigate.
Who really owned this GEAC firm. Was it a Canadian company or was it American-
owned with a Canadian subsidiary as a front? The head of the security suggested
that I was making a mountain out of a molehull, that I was seeing a problem
where it didn't exist, that he would not invesigate.
I immediately went to the second-in-command, Gordon Ritchie, the Deputy Chief
Negotiator and reported that the head of security did not want to proceed with
the investigation. Ritchie ordered that the investigation take place: the end
result was that "Yes, GEAC was an American Company," and while the investigation
was being conducted, three representatives of GEAC requested via the Deputy
Chief Negotiator - Gordon Ritchie - that they see me in order to convince me
that nothing was wrong with the system. When Gordon Ritchie came to me I said,
"Why me?". "You were the one who discovered it - I will even lend you the famous
round table" - where he held all his important meetings - "in my office to meet
these GEAC representatives." And sure enough the GEAC representatives came
and talked to me for two solid hours using all the high-tech language at their
command - language though that I didn't understand: I did not operate a computer
at the time - I had two secretaries who did that.
So I sat and I listened and when they had finished I looked at each one of them
in turn and said: "After everything you have said, I want one of you to
guarantee me that no one can be across the street, in another city, or anywhere
else and have access to any of the documents contained within this computer.
Guarantee me this in writing and I will be satisfied." I knew they couldn't
because a few days before their president had provided me with a top-secret
document from the computer. They had to admit it -"No", they said, they couldn't
guarantee that. And that was the end of that.
I went back to Gordon Ritchie with that information and forty-eight hours after
the complaint had been made, the entire 12 million dollar system that had been
installed into the Canada/US Free Trade Office was removed.
My impression was that Simon Riesman and Gordon Ritchie were aplauding my
efforts. What I couldn't understand at that time - and which is no longer a
question mark in my mind - was the reaction of Germain Denis: it was one of
complete and total anger: he lost his temper, went out of control, was
absolutely enraged. What I am telling you here is in my report to the Public
Service Alliance of Canada dated 22 July 1988, because it wasn't untiI that
notable day that the reason for the man's rage became apparent to me, that I had
indeed made a discovery, and that I had done something about it.
Germain Denis shouted at me: "Who do you think you are - someone at your level
certainly doesn't handle such issues as this one - I won't have it." After this
outburst he did not speak to me again for the next two weeks. Thank goodness for
the co-operation of my colleagues that kept me briefed during that period or I
would have had an extremely difficult time in completing the various tasks that
had been assigned to me.
I had, though, the absolute evidence: without the president of GEAC, Sylvia
Ostry would have had to leave the country without her document.
Mr. Kealey: Of course, removing the computer and replacing it with another does
not mean that the problem was resolved. All it means is that Shelley Anne Clark
couldn't prove any more that somebody else had access to the computer.
Shelley Ann Clark: Exactly! A new computer came in - IBM compatible, I was told.
After my first discovery, they were very attentive to my reactions, explaining
that the main disc was right there on the seventeenth floor. They even showed me
where it was and that everything that we inputted into the computer would be
held on this main disc which would - at the end of the negotiations -
transferred to the archives. So, fine - I took their word for it.
Then came a leak in the press about having no Francophone on board the Free
Trade negotiations, so Simon Riesman appointed Germain Denis as the third-in-
command, giving him the five major areas of interest to this country: Subsidies,
Agriculture, tariffs, Intellectual property (the main umbrella for social
programs, copyrights, pharmaceuticals, etc.), and Government Procurement.
Obviously Germain Denis couId not do all of it himself. So he appointed heads for
each sector: Michael Gifford was placed in charge of agriculture; Germain Denis
held the area of subsidies back for himself; and the person that he put in
charge of intellecual property and pharmaceutical was a person who had a lot of
control but whom we all thought was a wimp at the time.
All of this started in October 1986. In January 1987, the main negotiators went
ahead to Washington for the first negotiating session. Each "chief" put together
his working group - a working group on agriculture, a working group on tariffs,
a working roup on subsidies, etc. Throughout the negotiations, these groups
travelled to Washington and met with their US counterparts. The first time
Monsieur Denis came back from the US, it was explained to me that we would have
to start briefing the Provinces. At the time I thought - rather stupidly - that
the briefing would be done by Alan Nimark who was in charge of
Federal/Provincial Relations. "No," Monsieur Denis said, "No, Federal/Provincial
Relations are exactly that: PR work, smoke-screens, smoke-jobs, call it what you
will." "Smoke-screens," I asked? And he said -"Yes - PR. I'm the one who's going
to be looking after the Premiers and when they come they'll be needing private
dining rooms. There'll be some official briefings right here in the TNO board
room, but a lot of the time I'll be meeting the reps on a one-on-one basis." It
was the Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan representatives especially that he
met on the one-on-one basis.
After the first main negotiating session was planned, I was reeling with the
explanations as to how he would be handling the particular briefings, and at ten
o'clock went home, thinking it was the end of the day. I arrived home at ten-
thirty: one hour later Germain Denis called, telling me to meet him at TNO, not
to go by the Front desk, that he would be waiting for me in the garage with a
key to the elevator. Security, therefore, was being avoided; anyone going in the
front door would normally have to pass through security, sign in the time, and
you would be watched on the television cameras until you reached your
destination. The way Monsieur Denis arranged it meant that we were observed by
nobody. It is relevant that the building is owned by Metropolitan Life - i.e.
under Rockefeller control.
The other thing I was told was that I must not "tonight or at any time in the
future ever tell your family where you are going f you do, there will be a heavy
price to pay." Again - because of my background in Foreign Affairs and security
matters - he didn't have to repeat himself. I understood perfectly well that I
was in a tight spot. I didn't know how tight until the negotiations moved into
full swing in January '87 and he began altering figures and deleting paragraphs
in a sigmificant way.
I would be called in at night - remember I was not allowed to tell anyone where I
had gone, and I would often be there until four in the morning. The first thing
I had to do was to learn how to operate the computer but was not allowed to tell
anybody because I had a secretary to do precisely that. I learned to create a
duplicate file from the main disc in the room on the seventeenth floor which
contained everything. I was shown how to delete from the main disc once I had
finished. This proves Denis was no computer illiterate.
I would arrive and call up the document that they had negotiated in Washington.
If it was "Subsidies" that they had worked on, I would call up the "Subsidies"
document, duplicate it, and rename it "Provincial". Then my superior would go
through it step by step; if they had negotiated 30% or 40%, the figure would be
brought down - to the lowest possible figure which was around 10%. This was
because he wanted the manoeuvrability to move them upwards: the negotiating
provinces would have go rather suspicious if the figures remained the same: an
impression of negotiation had to be given where, as it now seems, everything had
been decided on beforehand.
Energy? The paragraphs on energy would be methodically deleted. The book, "Faith
and Fear", by Professors Doern and Tomlin, confirms what I have already
disclosed to the media. They say that the energy chapter was not thrown into the
agreement until the last famous weekend of 3 October 1987. I know why the
chapter wasn't induded until the very end. It was there all the time: in the
American version, in the Canadian Federal version but not in the Provincial
version - we kept deleting the energy chapter from the Provincial version.
Mr. Kealey: Yes, the Premiers of all of the provinces, except two, did not
realize that the country was being given away. Remember what Shelley Ann stated
at the beginning: that there were private meetings between some Premiers and
Germain Denis. Those were specifically the Premiers of Saskatchewan and Alberta,
whom Mulroney had designated "moles" in the group: to surreptitiously find out
what the other Premiers were thinking, what their bottom lines in the
negotiation would be, and other sensitive data which could be manipulated to the
Federal Government's advantage over the provinces.
This information they would then pass on to Germain Denis so that he would be
able to put figures in the document that matched what the Premiers were prepared
to give away. So there never was a problem of presenting figures that were too
far above what the Premiers were prepared to accept. If there was, the solution
was quite simple: change the figures in the document. Mulroney and his cohorts
knew ahead of time because of the two moles, the Premier of Alberta and the
Premier of Saskatchewan.
Shelley Ann Clark: That's right. I was able to prove to CJOH beyond a shadow of a
doubt that these meetings took place. I had locked away my appointment book
for'86 and '87, and when it was produced every meeting that took place was
marked, the rooms that were used, the times, etc. I brought a witness with me -
John Bowlby, an executive member of Citizens Against Bad Law. We photocopied the
documentation in front of a lawyer. It was submitted to Charlie Greenwell of
CJOH TV, so that he and his lawyers knew that when they aired the programme
there was sufficient evidence -between the July 1988 Public Service Alliance
document and this appointment book - to indicate that I was telling the truth.
May I return to the second "doctored" document produced for the Provincess
Following Germain Denis's directives I would produce a hard copy, make the
specified deletions from my hard drive in addition to making those on the hard
disc in the main room at 50 O'Connor. This done, I would then create ten copies
for ten briefing books. The ten briefing books were numbered because I had to be
sure in whose hands each book went just in case one would go astray. So they
were numbered one to ten; Alberta would have #1, Manitoba #2, Saskatchewan #3,
etc. No matter what pressure was put on me by the Prime Minister's Office, by
the Privy Council Office, by Federal Provincial Relations - and I was warned
that there would be excessive pressure and complaints by the Premiers for not
getting their books several hours ahead of the briefings - I was ordered to give
out the books literally minutes before the briefings took place. At the end of
the session, Germain Denis would bring back the books himself or, if he didn't,
I would be called in and the minute they left the room I would go and collect
them, bring them back, and lock them in Monsieur Denis's vault.
Then at midnight I would undo nine of the briefing books and shred them in the
shredder. It had to be done at midnight: you couldn't afford to be caught by
security and we had been ordered under a special memorandum emanating from the
Minister's Office that no documents used in the Canada/US negotiation were to be
destroyed without the authorization of Riesman or Ritchie. It took that level of
authorization to shred anything: we were allowed to shred Telex Packs that came
in from Foreign Affairs but any negotiating document could not be touched. The
only time I could shred these was between the hours of midnight and 3 am. I
would shred nine books, holding one complete set back which I would put in the
vault so the next time they negotiated on that particular subject with the
Americans we would pull out that one set and Monsieur Denis would know how far
he had proceeded. Ifhe had negotiated 10%, the next time it would show up as 12%
and so on and so on.
The next development was that Maude Barlow and John Turner started making
accusations against Mulroney: that he was selling out the country, that our
social security programs were in jeopardy etc. etc. Working directly on the
Social Security programs and some of the other issues - as I was - I knew these
individuals were telling the truth. The more I realized the illegality of what I
was doing the more frightened I became: what this meant for the country and how
it would be held over my head as a sort of blackmail control - completely,
forever and ever and ever.
My first thought, therefore, was to escape the office, to give up doing what I
was doing. I started by asking the Foreign Ministry to transfer me: they
wouldn't. Not only that: they wouldn't touch me with a ten-foot pole: "You have
to stay there", they said. "Why?", I said."This is Foreign Affairs, after all:
to rotate is a normal part of existence here. I've rotated all my life. Why
can't you rotate me now?" "No we can't touch you."
Another position opened up with the Trade Negotiations Office as the head of
Protocol and Hospitality, an interesting position which I was more than
qualified to deal with. Richard Levy, Head of Operations at the TNO, agreed:
"Shelley Ann," he said, "you would be great for the position. Go ahead, speak to
the Director General of Operations. If he'll give it to you - you've got it." I
met with the Director General of Operations and he, being an honest guy, looked
at me: "Shelley Ann, are you out of your mind? Germain Denis will never let you
go. It would only be over his dead body that it would be possible for me to
remove you from your present position."
ROD: But why?
Shelley Ann Clark: The secrets involved. Remember that Germain Denis, the Prime
Minister and I were about the only ones who knew the intricacies and the
implications of the free trade deal for Canada at that point. I was vulnerable.
The more midnight meetings that were forced the more my marriage was completely
falling apart. I was becoming vulnerable, a single parent, needing the job,
scared to death and as mad as all hang.
So I created a fuss. The honest guy who told me he wouldn't be able to remove me
from my position except over Germain Denis's dead body was immediately posted to
Rome. It told certain people he had said too much. Remember that Germain Denis
knew I was seeking to remove myself. Everyone had been told not to facilitate
this move. Whenever I would go to my Personnel Officer who gave out assignments,
I would arrive in that office; within five minutes the phone would ring, Germain
Denis would be at the other end of the line. My Personnel Officer would
say,"It's Germain. You have to talk to him." And he would beg me and order me to
return to TNO immediately. The Personel Officer had never seen anyone of his
level beg anyone or order someone back.
ROD: Do you have any piece of evidence we can print?
Mr. Kealey: What you have to consider here is: had she taken any document that
was part of their documentation she would be in prison. That would have been a
federal crime - removing secret documents - and so she would have been no
further ahead if she actually took documents. What she did however was to file a
formal complaint with her union. She has the complaint and their covering letter
that tells her to destroy the complaint. She is the eye witness - the smoking
gun is the Real Free Trade Deal the one buried in canisters outside Ottawa that
Canadians have never seen. What we have to do as a people is to apply pressure
upon our so-called independent politicians to see what those canisters contain.
ROD: But can this evidence ever come out ? If, for example, we put it in this
book we are preparing, with other evidence pointing to the same proposition,
will it ever get more than a very limited circulation ?
Mr. Kealey: We have an example right here. Shelley Ann gave her story to one
weekly paper. They've written the story in much detail and already people are
coming to them saying, "I also worked in that area. I have seen the
documentation being transferred from one place to another. I can vouch for what
she's saying." The more that is published, the more hands it gets into, the more
chance you will have of it circulating. By publishing, by circulating the
material you remove fear - you take away that fear and more people will come
forward.
Shelley Ann Clark: On 6 January [1994] I was on a talk show that crossed all of
Alberta. I stated quite bluntly that what we are dealing with here is treason.
The reaction has been extraordinary. I sincerely believe that the book you are
preparing on NEW WORLD ORDER: CORRUPTION IN CANADA
should be published as soon as possible: that is the way we can reach more
Canadians.
Mr. Kealey: They may have their implementation schedule and have set dates by
which certain phases of the deal had to be completed, but it is a fraudulent
contract and a fraudulent contract does not have legal validity once it has been
proven it's a fraud. Whatever dates, therefore, that have been arbitrarily set,
are not ultimately important.
Shelley Ann Clark: I have been wanting to cross Canada, to tell Canadians what I
know, and try to get them to do something about this. A hundred or two hundred
letters are not enough. What is needed are massive demonstrations, hundreds of
thousands of letters. Once they realize on Parliament Hill that the entire
country knows then they will have to do something.
I thought in the last election that I could do something with the backing of the
National Party, that a person like Mel Hurtig would make maximum use of someone
like myself. I have the information first-hand: I did the fraudulent act under
orders. What did Mel Hurtig and the National Party do? Nothing! I was provided
with $1,000 for my fee, but nothing for advertising or all the other
considerable expenses that are necessary in order to get your points across to
the voters. I went into my riding to be asked: "Why, with what you have to tell,
can you not get any backing? Why aren't you on those billboards all over the
place?"
Mr. Kealey: We already know why, because after the election we received some
documentation and I've been in touch with a number of National Party candidates.
I found out. I got the evidence that the National Party manipulated certain
ridings to keep their candidates from winning. If they didn't have much of a
chance they were given four or five thousand dollars. If they had a chance of
winning they were limited to one thousand dollars.
The documentation we now have is that in 1972 Mel Hurtig was a candidate for the
Liberals. He had also been in association with the Canadian Institute for
International Affairs [NOTE: Canada's "twin" to the CFR in the States]. He was
on a programme following recommendations of the Bilderberger meetings that had
been held both in the Laurentians and in Vermont. When you link Mel Hurtig
directly with the New World Order Gang, you arrive very quickly at the reason
why he was where he was during the recent election. He was delivering the
Canadian West to the same group that Mulroney and his Gang had given away the
rest of the country to.
Then you have Bill Loewen. We have evidence that Bill Loewen, who owned a company
called Comcheq, sold his company to the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce For
$16O million just a year before the election. I would be prepared to bet that
Bill Loewen sold his company for $150 million and got $10 million from the
Bankers to set up a political party with one purpose -to remove the free trade
dissent from the NDP party in the West so that the Liberals would be able to
squeak through.
This is exactly what happened all across the West and why today the Liberals have
a majority. It's because of the amount in votes taken away from the NDP by the
National Party which allowed the Liberal to squeeze by.
I know Bill Loewen personally because he paid my rent for six months. He stopped
paying when he asked me to join his political party. He acted just like a
banker: when you do the things he wants you to do he will support you; otherwise
he won't.
I have, as I said, spoken to a number of National Party candidates and there is
general consensus out there that they were manipulated in a way as to prevent
them from being successful.
What are we left with? With Brian Mulroney equipped with the cash he stole from
Canadians during his years in office, he was able to buy the entire 1993
election. Here in my view is how he went about doing it:
1. He introduced Lucien Bouchard to Quebecers and made him into a
separatist hero by faking a public fight with him over Quebec's role in Canada.
Bouchard eventually became the most loved politician in Quebec and led his Bloc
Quebequois, with Mulroney's financial
support,
to victory in Quebec. The Bloc even became the Official Opposition
in
the Canadian Parliament following the 1993 elections.
2. He used his considerable influence and money to convince all the Tory
"big guns" to drop out of the 1993 election. This guaranteed the Liberals (TEAM
2) under Mitchell Sharp (the banker's man in Ottawa) and Jean Chretien (a
Charlie McCarthy dummy like Ronald Reagan) a really good shot at majority
government.
3. He collaborated with Conrad Black's plan to finance the Reform Party
in Ontario (while limiting its chances and influence there) by allowing Preston
Manning (a leader with links to the CIA in 1967-68) to address the Canadian Club
and others on the condition they warn Quebecers to act just like the other
provinces or "go away". This message was a total reversal of Alberta's position
during the 1981 referendum on separation in Quebec when Quebecers were told they
were
loved and wanted).
4. He collaborated with bankers (CIBC) in order to finance Bill
Loewen's creation of the new National Party. This new political party, with
Mel Hurtig its leader (a 1968-72 former member of the elite Canadian Institute for
International Affairs), would mislead 200,000
anti-free trade Canadians away from the NDP thereby allowing the Liberals and
Reformers to win many key NDP ridings.
5. He destroyed Kim Campbell, the new Tory leader, by using the
controlled Media to, at first, build her to heights of popularity
she could not be expected to maintain, and then, along with his sleazy team of
Montreal Tories, he produced the famous anti-Chretien TV
spots to destroy whatever credibility she had left. The end result was
that only two Tories were elected, and the most hated politician in French Canada led
the only political party with members from coast-to-coast to majority government
in Canada.
6. Once Quebec separates from Canada he will be in position to fund the
construction of Simon Riesman's Grand Canal project ($10O-200
billion dollars) and other northern water diversion projects. He will own, control and
move fresh water for a price, down into the USA and Mexico.
So what we have here is a plan for the break-up of Canada put together by
Mulroney and the Bankers: The first step is to get Quebec to separate; the
second to integrate the rest of Canada into the US; the third to get the natives
of Northern Quebec to revolt; the fourth to send in the Military from Fort Drum
with blue berets; and the fifth to build the Grand Canal.
Shelley Ann Clark: Some of this I have seen confirmed in documents. In March'88 a
Memo was circulated around the Free Trade office ordering that all doccents used
in the negotiating sessions be given to this particular person who was going to
catalogu them for the archives. Within an hour of receiving that memorandum,
Germain Denise brought me into his office, told to shut the door, to sit down
and pay very close attention to what he was going to say: if I deviated in any
way he declared he would destroy me within the Government service within Ottawa
- everywhere!
MC: Do you not feel you are in a rather tenuous position?
Shelley Ann Clark: My life is apparently in danger at all times. If I were in
the United States now, everyone believes I would be dead [It so happened that
Marcel Masse and Stephen Lewis tried to get her transferred to New York]. But
you have to understand that we're not part of the United States yet, that we
still live in the blessed country of Canada. Apart from Mulroney, Germain Denis,
and Gerald Shannon (at the time the Deputy Minister in International Trade), I
do not know who else knew, but I do know now that behind the scenes things are
happening, that people want me disclose what I know. That might actually include
the RCMP, or maybe even CSIS - I am not sure. Messages have been sent to me that
I do not understand: that the safest thing that could do was to disclose.
MC: Maybe you are being set up to be some sort of sacrificial lamb.
Shelley Ann: Maybe. By August or September of last year I gave up fear. I had
lived in fear for six years, more than fear - absolute horror: I feared for my
children, I feared for myself. It reached a point where I preferred to be dead
rather than livinq. Mere existence reaches a point where you can't see how you
can go on. I mean, if you are going to be killed, you are inclined at a certain
point to say, "Do it now. I am not going to worry about it." It took me six
years to reach that point. And then I began to think to myself that we have a
duty to the people who brought us into the world, to the people we will leave
behind, and to the land that has remained constant. I made a decision not to be
frightened any nore, and suddenly I had no fear. I decided to let the world
around me know what I know.
George Kralik: You passed the fear barrier.
Shelley Ann: I went through the fear barrier. Now I am back with the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, in a very high profile position, where if anything happens to
me with the way I am known across this country now, can I be so bold as to say
that revolutions would break out - I mean there is a limit.
Mr. Kealey: By putting Shelley Ann back in position, the liberals are now saying,
"We had nothing to do with it."
Shelley Ann: Within a month of being elected, the Liberals were attempting to
rectify my situation. I met a Reform Party MP on the Hill and realized that I
had to do this because I had promised Canadians that I would do this.
The full story may never be told. When we got the Memo to send all material
relating to the negotiations to the archives Germain Denis ordered me to remove
all the negotiating documents from his vault to the trunk of his car. He handed
me his car keys. I was told to remove them at two-hour intervals and if I found
the speed too slow to increase it up to one-hour intervals, but not to get
caught or to say anything. "When they come around to you, Shelley Ann, and ask
you to give up the documents for the Archivist..." "Yes, what happens when I
have nothing to give her?" "You say, Sorry, we started to shut down before the
memo came around. Monsieur Denis ordered me to shred everything."
These were my orders and sure enough it took me from about 10:30 in the morning
till about 6:30 at night. I removed a total of seven big xerox boxes to that
official's trunk. On the first trip I ran into Simon Riesman's chauffeur who
happens to be a gentleman. He asked what I was doing - whether I had found
another job, or was moving out of the office. In any case, he asked to carry my
box. I refused. He insisted, and when he took the box, he said "What the hell do
you have in here?" I replied. "Seven major proof readers have been assigned to
read the final text as it was going to legal text. I am one of the seven, and
that I am bringing home the full selection of Random House dictionaries with
me." I had to make up that story, but, of course, I was going to Germain Denis'
car. What do you do when you have Ambassador Reisman's chauffeur carrying the
boxes to the wrong car? We reached my car: I just slapped myself on the forehead
and said: "Oh God, Phil, stupid me, I'm so exhausted and run down that I have
come all the way down here and I've forgotten my car keys. I can't put the box
in my car." What else could I have said?
I then realized that I would have to make up a line in order to get rid of Phil.
That is when I told him that Simon Reisman was probably looking for him at that
very moment since I had overhearsd Simon's Executive Assistant say that
Ambassador Reisman had an appointment with the Prime Minister that very morning.
Phil, being the gentleman that he still is, insisted that he remain at my car
with the box while I went to get my car keys - this is when I told Phil to put
the box under the front of the car that was up against the back wall - there it
would not be seen and would be safe from theft. Finally, he left. I proceeded
with the illicit deed.
What else do I say now? That truth has an indirect but steady course; sooner or
later, like a mountain spring, it shakes itself free from its underground
imprisonment and runs down the hillside. A few minutes ago someone was talking
to me about conspiracy theories. Theory? This is fact.
I was there. --------------------------------------------------------------------
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From the New World Order Intelligence Update Web Page
[http://www.inforamp.net/~jwhitley]
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